Strongly condemn state terrorism of Nawaz government against peaceful protesters in Islamabad.

Strongly condemn actions of Nawaz government against peaceful protesters.

However, whatever is happening in Islamabad is not unexpected. People accepted the right of government and security institutions to torture or kill civillians or even bomb the civil areas during Ayub, Yahya, Bhutto, Musharraf, Zia and many other times.

If Nawaz government is using the same wrong principles and excuses like law and order or some national security or some writ of state type excuses to justify their actions then it is also not new.

We have tolerated even worse against people of Bangladesh, FATA, Baluchistan etc and if it is happening with Urban or so called settled area people then it shouldn’t be shocking. Its highly condemnable but not unexpected.

Most of us believe in the concept of humanity but for most people the main issue seems to be their definition of the entity called “human”.

The definition seems to be greatly dependent on race, religion ,sect, nationality, political ideology and other sources of discrimination.

If wrong actions are accepted as principles just because they are not against “our kind” then we shouldn’t feel shocked if same is repeated against us or people we actually consider as humans.

 

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Troop worshipers and Martial Law

Mad troop worshipers say we need martial law to improve things. A kind reminder for them:

a) This war mess is a gift from Musharraf martial law.

b) The initial mistake of jumping into cold war was made by military and Ayub’s martial law regime and the same policy was followed by Yahya, Bhutto (A civilian martial law administrator appointed by army and trained by General Ayub) and Gen Zia.

c) 90s, despite corruption and mismanagement was much safer and better.

d) Many national institutions like SUPARCO,NESCOM, NLC (the collapsed bridge fame) etc are under direct or indirect control of army. In most countries such institutions are run by civilians. SUPARCO is a failed organization when it comes to research and development in real space sciences and astronomy. Most of the time they do some missile work and some work with Chinese companies. The reason is simple that instead of being led by top level scientists it is being run by former or serving khakis with no brain.

e) Even the biggest city of Pakistan i.e. Karachi is directly or indirectly under administrative control of occupied armed forces in the form of DHAs, military cantonments and civil cantonment areas who have to pay extortion not only to local political and land mafias but also to military mafias (in the form of absurd charges and taxes) who milk money from civil cantonment areas, put restrictions on civilian liberties and don’t do shit to improve things there.

f) Not only that, army is doing everything from running marriage halls, banks, factories and it has occupied a great deal of land and other economic resources of this country.

g) Army ,ISI and MI waste resources on spying journalists, judges and creating puppets in media (like Zaid Hamid) and politics or shutting down channels like Geo.

It shouldn’t be hard to see why we continuously see intelligence and security failures or why we are still stuck in this war on terror mess? The prime security institution was never designed to be a defender of people or constitution, it was designed by British to work as proxy rulers. Cantonment areas are a reminder of such mindset. It will be interesting to see how much area of Newyork, Shanghai, Mumbai, London or even #Moscow is controlled by army like the so called Pakistan army and air force control or occupy Karachi.

Army,Pakistan,Politicians and lessons we never learned

For last 6-7 decades army is exploiting ethnic, sectarian and social class prejudices to rule either directly through martial laws or indirectly during puppet or so called civilian governments. Nationalism is another card along with Shaheed card which they use very often to recover their image when their big blunders bring them under some criticism.

Even in this fake war on terror, they used sectarian, ethnic and social class prejudices to forward war agenda in Pakistan and if we are seeing the results in the form of Shia-Sunni or Sufi-Salafi wars or similar other conflicts then we shouldn’t feel shocked. Its the similar outcome they wanted but perhaps a bit more under control where they have command over resulting situations so that they can use these situations for their advantage. They were fools if they were expecting any good out of these evil, corrupt and stupid policies. This mess can only be cleaned if we start valuing our freedom and develop some sense of justice instead of worshiping false gods like troops, mullahs, feudal rulers, sufis, mafia lords or others.

War defeats and loss of half country should tell us that this current colonial legacy based army structure is bogus and not designed for defense but 4 martial laws show it is designed for proxy rule of foreign powers. It was army which gave bases to Americans and invited drones and gave NRO with the help of Americans/British so that this war can go on. its army which made Pakistan a front line american ally in this war against afghans or Pakistanis.

Geo definitely played a doubtful role in 2013 elections but using that issue to promote troop worship is something really disappointing from PTI. Geo is a private TV with business interests so one can expect these things from them and the solution is to change the channel. Focus should have been on the rigging which couldn’t have happened without the support of military and civil security establishments, who were supposed to secure the electoral booths and we saw how it went.

If PTI and Imran Khan are thinking that they will get something good out for the country or for the party by supporting the troops on wrong things then they should learn from their friends in KPK government i.e. Jamaat-e-Islami which supported the troops on many occasions especially in 1971 and we can see how establishment treats them. JI gave lots of sacrifices for establishment blunders in 71 and ended up facing most of the fall out. Even the recent 10 party alliance or new IJI didn’t give them anything.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto launched his career as Gen (Retarded) Ayub’s puppet, became CMLA with the help of army, supported military’s policies towards bengalis and we saw what these troops did to him.

Nawaz Sharif, another product of establishment, was forced into exile. Even in 2013 elections he came to power through more deals and we will see how hard it will be for him to keep up the promises especially on issues like peace with India or on Musharraf case or on missing persons case (We already saw what happened with them in Islamabad).

Benazir Bhutto made NRO deal and we can see how it ended.

I mean, what the heck is wrong with politicians and even their supporters? Why can’t they see the real root causes of the problem which are related to the British legacy proxy ruling structure in the form of occupied mercenary armed forces? How will they be able to solve fundamental issues if they try to please the real devil?

The troop pleasing attitude is expected from feudal-corporatist politicians like Nawaz or Zardari, mafias like MQM etc but a party which promotes justice and human rights and ends up surrendering in front of troop worship mindset is really disappointing.

Hamood ur Rehman Commission Report Conclusion–>Need to revisit the past

Another 16 December is here and I don’t think much lessons are learned from a disaster which could have made any nation with some conscience to think over its strategies. Still our military establishment is involved in dirty politics, working for imperialist agenda and busy in securing their business agenda. Our establishment and politicians have not learned much lessons and are still busy in following unjust practices, suppression and killing of own people to please their masters and fulfil their greed.

“Indiscriminate killing and looting could only serve the cause of the enemies of Pakistan. In the harshness, we lost the support of the silent majority of the people of East Pakistan.” — Hamood-ur-Rehman Commission Report on 1971

——————————————————————————————————————

Recommendations below are taken from the Supplementary report issued by Hamood ur Rehman Commission which was setup to investigate the events in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).

There are parts which are missing as the report is never officially released and it was published by some indian media.

Full Supplementary Report can be downloaded from here :

http://www.insaf.pk/Portals/0/NTForums_Attach/hamoodurrehmancommission-report.pdf

RECOMMENDATIONS

In the concluding portion of our Main Report, submitted in 1972, we had made a number of

recommendations based on our study of the various aspects of the causes of the debacle of

1971. Some of these recommendations need to be modified, or amplified, in the light of the fresh

evidence, which we have now recorded: while the need for the others has only been further

emphasised, we believe that the object of setting up this Commission would be fully realised

only if appropriate and early action is taken by the Government on these recommendations.2.

consider that it would be appropriate if all our recommendations are now finally set out at one

place, for facility of reference and action. Detailed reasons and justification for these

recommendations will be found in the relevant Chapters of the Main Report as well as this

Supplementary Report. We are aware that some of these recommendations have already been

implemented, but this would not appear to be a reason for not including them in this final

summing up.Trials

3.

Commanders who have brought disgrace and defeat to Pakistan by their subversion of the

Constitution, usurpation of political power by criminal conspiracy, their professional

incompetence, culpable negligence and wilful neglect in the performance of their duties and

physical and moral cowardice in abandoning the fight when they had the capability and

resources to resist the enemy. Firm and proper action would not only satisfy the nation’s

demand for punishment where it is deserved, but would also ensure against any future

recurrence of the kind of shameful conduct displayed during the 1971 war. We accordingly

recommend that the following trials be undertaken without delay.

(I) That General Yahya Khan, General Abdul Hamid Khan, Lt. Gen. S.G.M.M. Pirzada, Lt. Gen.

Gul Hasan, Maj. Gen. Umar and Maj Gen Mitha should be publicly tried for being party to a

criminal conspiracy to illegally usurp power from F.M. Mohammad Ayub Khan in power if

necessary by the use of force. In furtherance of their common purpose they did actually try to

influence political parties by threats, inducements and even bribes to support their designs both

for bringing about a particular kind of result during the elections of 1970, and later persuading

some of the political parties and the elected members of the National Assembly to refuse to

attend the session of the National Assembly scheduled to be held at Dacca on the 3rd of

March, 1971. They, furthermore, in agreement with each other brought about a situation in East

Pakistan which led to a civil disobedience movement, armed revolt by the Awami League and

subsequently to the surrender of our troops in East Pakistan and the dismemberment of

Pakistan:

(ii) That the Officers mentioned in No. (I) above should also be tried for criminal neglect of duty in

the conduct of war both in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. The details of this neglect would

be found in the Chapters dealing with the military aspect of the war

(iii) That Lt. Gen. Irshad Ahmad Khan, former Commander 1 Corps, be tried for criminal and

wilful neglect of duty in conducting the operations of his Corps in such a manner that nearly 500

villages of the Shakargarh tehsil of Sialkot district in West Pakistan were surrendered to the

enemy without a light and as a consequence the Army offensive in the south was seriously

jeopardised;

(iv) That Maj Gen Abid Zahid, former GOC 15 Div, be tried for wilful neglect of duty and shameful

surrender of a large area comprising nearly 98 villages in the phuklian salient in the Sialkot

district of West Pakistan, which surrender also posed a standing threat to the safety of Marala

Headworks by bringing the Indian forces within nearly 1500 yards thereof. He also kept the GHQ

in the dark about Indian occupation of the Phuklian salient until the loss was discovered after

the war.

(v) That Maj. Gen B.M. Mustafa, former GOC 18 Division, be tried for wilful neglect of duty in that

his offensive plan aimed at the capture of the Indian position of Ramgarh in the Rajasthan area

(Western Front) was militarily unsound and haphazardly planned, and its execution resulted in

severe loss of vehicles and equipment in the desert.

(vi) That Lt. Gen. A.A.K. Niazi, former Commander, Eastern Command, be court-martialled on

15 charges as set out in Chapter III of part V of the Supplementary Report regarding his wilful

neglect in the performance of his professional and military duties connected with the defence of

East Pakistan and the shameful surrender of his forces to the Indians at a juncture when he still

had the capability and resources to offer resistance.

(vii) That Maj Gen Mohammad Jamshed, former GOC 36 (ad-hoc) Division, Dacca, be tried by

court martial on five charges listed against him, in the aforementioned part of the Supplementary

Report, for wilful neglect of his duty in the preparation of plans for the defence of Dacca and

showing complete Jack of courage and will to fight, in acquiescing in the decision of the

Commander, Eastern Command, to surrender to the Indian forces when it was still possible to

put up resistance for a period of two weeks or so, and also for wilfully neglecting to inform the

authorities concerned, on repatriation to Pakistan, about the fact of distribution of Rs.50,000 by

him out of Pakistan currency notes and toher funds at his disposal or under his control in East

Pakistan.

(viii) That Maj Gen M. Rahim Khan, former GOC 39 (ad-hoc) Division, Chandpur, in East

Pakistan, be tried by court martial on five charges listed against him in this Report for showing

undue regard for his personal safety in abandoning his Division, his Divisional troops and area of

responsibility and Vacating his Divisional Headquarters from Chandpur on the 8th of December,

1971; for his wilful insistence on moving by day owing to fear of Mukti Bahini and thus causing

the death of fourteen Naval ratings and four Officers of his own HQ, besides injuries to himself

and several others, due to strafing by Indian aircraft; for his abandoning valuable signal

equipment at Chandpur; for spreading despondency and alarm by certain conversation on the

12th of December, 1971, at Dacca; and for wilfully avoiding submitting a debriefing report to

GHQ on being specially evacuated to West Pakistan in early 1971 so as to conceal the

circumstances of his desertion from him Divisional Headquarters at Chandpur.

(ix) That Brig. G.M. Baquir Siddiqui, former GOS, Eastern Command, Dacca, be tried by court

martial on nine charges as formulated in this Report, for his wilful neglect of duty in advising the

Commander, Eastern Command, as regards the concept and formulation of defence plans,

appreciation of the Indian threat, execution of denial plans, abrupt changes in command,

friendliness with he Indian during captivity and attempts to influence formation Commanders by

threats and inducements to present a co-ordinated story before the GHQ and the Commission

of Inquiry in regard to the events leading to surrender in East Pakistan.

(x) That Brig Mohammad Hayat, former Commander 107 Brigade, 9 Division, East Pakistan, be

tried by court martial on four charges for displaying wilful neglect in not formulating a sound plan

for the defence of the fortress of Jesore; for failing to properly plan and command the brigade

counter-attack at Gharibpur, for shamefully abandoning the fortress of Jessor and delivering

intact to the enemy all supplies and ammunition dumps; and disobeying the orders of the GOC

9 Divison, to withdraw to Magura in the event of a forced withdrawal from Jessore;

(xi) That Brig Mohammad Aslam Niazi, former commander 53 Brigade, 39 (ad-hoc) Division,

East Pakistan, be tried by court martial on six charges for displaying culpable lack of initiative,

determination and planning ability in that he failed to occupy and prepare defences at

Mudafarganj as ordered by his GOC on the 4th of December, 1971; for failing to eject the enemy

from Mudafarganj as ordered on the 6th of December, 1971; for shamefully abandoning the

fortress of Laksham on or about the 9th of December, 1971; for wilful neglect in failing to

properly organise oxfiltration of his troops from the fortress of Laksham to Comilla on the 9th of

December, 1971, thus resulting in heavy casualties and capture of several elements of his

troops on the way; for showing callous disregard of military ethics in abandoning at Laksham

124 sick and wounded with two Medical Officers without informing them about the proposed

vacation of the fortress; and for abandoning intact at Laksham all heavy weapons, stocks of

ammunition and supplies for the use of the enemy;

II. Inquiry and Trials for Alleged AtrocitiesThat as recommended in Paragraph 7 of Chapter III of Part V of the Main Report and in

4.

Paragraph 39 of Chapter II of Part V of this Supplementary Report, a high-powered Court or

Commission of Inquiry be set up to investigate into persistent allegations of atrocities said to

have been committed by the Pakistan Army in East Pakistan during its operations from March

to December, 1971, and to hold trials of those who indulged in these atrocities, brought a bad

name to the Pakistan Army and alienated the sympathies of the local population by their acts of

wanton cruelty and immorality against our own people. The composition of the Court of Inquiry,

if not its proceedings, should be publicly announced so as to satisfy national conscience and

international opinion. The Commission feels that sufficient evidence is now available in Pakistan

for a fruitful inquiry to be undertaken in this regard. As the Government of Bangladesh has since

been recognised by Pakistan, it may also be feasible to request the Dacca authorities to

forward to this Court of Inquiry whatever evidence may be available with them.

III. Other Inquiries(I) That allegations of personal immorality, drunkenness and indulgence in corrupt practices

5

against General Yahya Khan, General Abdul Hamid Khan and Maj. Gen Khuda Dad Khan be

properly investigated as there is prima facie evidence to show that their moral degeneration

resulted in indecision, cowardice and professional incompetence. In the light of the result of this

inquiry suitable charges may be added against these Officers, during the trials we have already

recommended earlier. The details of the allegations and the evidence relating thereto will be

found in Chapter I of Part V of the Main Report.

(ii) That similar allegations of personal immorality, acquiring a notorious reputation in this behalf

at Sialkot, Lahore and Dacca, and indulgence in the smuggling of Pan from East to West

Pakistan made against Lt. Gen Niazi should also be inquired into and, if necessary, made the

subject matter of additional charges at the trial earlier recommended in respect of the

performance of his professional duties in East Pakistan. The details of these allegations and

the evidence relating thereto will be found in Chapter I of Part V of the Main Report and in

Chapter I of part V of this supplementary Report.

(iii) That an inquiry is also indicated into the disposal of Rs.50, 000 said to have been distributed

by Maj. Gen. Mohammad Jamshed, former GOC 39 (ad-hoc) Division and Director General,

East Pakistan Civil Armed Forces immediately before the surrender on the 16th of December

1971. Details of this matter including the General’s explanation would be found in Paras 21 to

23 of Chapter I of Part V of the Supplementary Report. We have already recommended that this

Officer be tried by a court martial on several charges including his wilful failure to disclose any

facts at all about his sum Rs.50,000. That charge does not necessarily imply any dishonest

practice on his part. The inquiry now suggested can form a part of the charges already

recommended.

(iv) That allegations of indulging in large-scale looting of property in East Pakistan including theft

of Rs.1, 35,00,000 from the National Bank Treasury at Siraj Ganj persistently made against

Brig. Jehanazeb Arbab, former Commander 57 Brigade, Lt Col (now Brig) Muzaffar Ali Zahid,

former CO 31 Field Regiment, Lt. Col Basharat Ahmad, former CO 18 Punjab, Lt. Col

Mohammad Taj, former CO 32 Punjab, Lt Col Mohammad Tufail, former CO 55 Field Regiment

and Major Madad Hussain Shah of 18 Punjab, as set out in Paras 24 and 25 of Chapter I of part

V of the Supplementary Report, should be thoroughly inquired into and suitable action taken in

the light of the proved facts.

(v) That an inquiry be held into the allegation, noticed by us in Para 36 of Chapter 1 of Part V of

the Main Report, that while serving in the Martial Law Administration at Multan, Maj. Gen.

Jahanzeb, presumably a Brigadier at that time, demanded a bribe of Rs. one lac from a PCS

Officer posted as Chairman of the Municipal Committee of Multan, on pain of proceeding against

him for corruption under martial Law, as a consequence of which demand the said PCS Officer

is said to have committed suicide leaving behind a letter saying that although he had made only

Rs.15,000 he was being required to pay Rs. one lac to the Martial Law officers. The allegation

was made before the Commission by Brig. Mohammad Abbas Beg (Witness No.9)

(vi) That in inquiry is also necessary into the allegation made against Brig. Hayatullah that he

entertained some wom en in his bunker in the Maqbulpur sector (West Pakistan) on the night of

the 11th or 12th of December, 1971, when Indian shells were falling on his troops. The

allegation was contained in an anonymous letter addressed to the Commission and supported

in evidence before us by the Brigadier Hayatullah’s brigade, Major, namely, Major Munawar

Khan (Witness No.42).

(vii) That it is necessary to investigate into the allegations, as set out in Paragraphs 9 to 14 of

Chapter 1 of Part V of the Main Report, to the effect that senior Army Commanders grossly

abused their official position and powers under the Martial Law to acquire large allotments of

land, and obtained substantial house buildings loans on extremely generous terms from certain

banking institutions with which they deposited large amounts from departmental funds entrusted

to their care. Those found guilty of corrupt practices should receive the punishment they

deserve under the military law or the ordinary criminal law of the land as the case may be.

(viii) That a thorough investigation be conducted into the suspicion created in the mind of the

Commission, during the recording of additional evidence of Officers repatriated form India, that

there may be some complicity or collusion between the Commander, Easter Command (Lt Gen

A.A.K. Niazi) and his Chief of Staff (Brig G.M. Baqir Saddiqui) on the one hand and the Indian

authorities on the other in the matter of the failure of the Pakistan Armed Forces to carry out

execution of denial plans immediately before the surrender inspite of instructions issued in this

behalf by GHQ on the 10th of December, 1971. We have already included relevant charges in

this behalf against these two Officers, but we consider that it would be in the public interest to

depute a specialized agency to probe into the matter further. On the material available to us we

cannot put the matter higher than suspicion, but we have not been able to find any reasonable,

or even plausible explanation for the orders issued by the Easter Command to stop the

execution of denial plans, particularly in Dacc and Chittagong, thus ensuring the delivery intact

to the Indians of large amounts of war materials and other equipment. Details of these deliveries

will be found in our Chapter VII of Part IV dealing with the aftermath of surrender.

(ix) That an inquiry be held into the circumstances under which Commander Gul Zareen of the

Pakistan Navy was carried from Khulna to Singapore on the 7th of December, 1971, by a

French ship called M.V. Fortescue, thus abandoning his duties at PNS Titumir Naval Base,

Khulna. The case of this Officer was dealt with by us in Paras 12 and 13 of Chapter III of Part V

of the Main Report.

IV. Cases Requiring Departmental ActionWhile examining the course of events and the conduct of war in East Pakistan, we formed a

6.

poor opinion about the performance and capabilities of Brig. S.A.Ansari, ex-Commander 23

Brigade, Brig. Manzoor Ahmad, ex -Commander 57 Brigade, 9 Division, and Brig Abdul Qadir

Khan, ex -Commander 94 brigade, 36 (ad hoc) Division. We consider that their further retention

in service is not in the public interest and they may accordingly be retired.

V. Performance and Conduct of Junior OfficersIn the very nature of things the Commission was not in a position to examine at any length

7.

the conduct and performance of officers below the brigade level, although some case

necessarily came to our notice where the performance of these Officers had a direct bearing on

the fate of important battles or where their conduct transgressed the norms of discipline. Such

cases have been mentioned by us at their proper place, but by and large cases of junior Officers

must be dealt with by the respective service headquarters who have obtained detailed debriefing

reports from all of them and are also in possession of the assessment of their performance by

their immediate superiors.

VI. Measures for Moral Reform in the Armed ForcesWhile dealing at some length with the moral aspect of the 1971 debacle, in Chapter I of Part

8.

V of the Main Report as well as in the corresponding Chapter of the present Supplementary

Report, we have expressed the opinion that there is indeed substance in the widespread

allegation, rather belief, that due to corruption arising out of the performance of Martial Law

duties, lust for wine and women, and greed for lands and houses a large number of senior Army

Officers, particularly those occupying the highest positions, had not only lost the will to fight but

also the professional competence necessary for taking the vital and critical decisions demanded

of them for the successful prosecution of the war. Accordingly, we recommend that: –

(I) The Government should call upon all Officers of the Armed Forces to submit declarations of

their assets, both moveable and immovable, and those acquired in the names of their relations

and dependents during the last ten years (they were exempted from submitting such

declarations during the last two periods of martial Law). If on examination of such declarations

any Officer is found to have acquired assets beyond this known means, then appropriate action

should be taken against him

(ii) The Armed Services should devise ways and means to ensure: –

(a) That moral values are not allowed to be compromised by infamous behaviour particularly at

higher levels

(b) That moral rectitude is given due weight along with professional qualities in the matter of

promotion to higher ranks;

(c) That syllabi of academic studies at the military academics and other Service Institutions

should include courses designed to inculcate in the young minds respect for religious

democratic and political institutions

(d) That use of alcoholic drinks should be banned in military messes and functions

(e) That serious notice should be taken of notorious sexual behaviour and other corrupt

practices

VII. Discipline and Terms and Conditions of Service9.

reasons given therein we make the following recommendations: –

(I) An inter-services study should be undertaken of the operative terms and conditions of service

and amenities available to Officers, JCOs and other ranks of the Services so as to remove

disparities existing in this behalf and causing discontentment among the junior officers and

other ranks of various Services

(ii) The GHQ should consider the advisability of adopting recommendations contained in the

report submitted by the Discipline Committee headed by the late Maj Gen Iftikhar Khan Janjua

(iii) Th e Navy and Air Force might also appoint their own Discipline Committees to consider the

peculiar problems of their Services, such measure to be in addition to the inter-services study

recommended above.

VIII. Improvement and Modernizations of the Pakistan Navy10.

VIII of Part IV of the Main Report, and supplemented by further details of its operations in East

Pakistan is set out in this Supplementary Report, it seems to us that the following steps are

urgently called for to improve our naval capability: –

(I) That immediate attention should be given to he basic requirements for the modernizations of

the Pakistan Navy in order to make it capable of protecting the only sea port of Pakistan and of

keeping the life-lines of the nation open. The Navy has been sadly neglected ever since the first

Martial Law regime, for in the concept of Army Commander the Navy was not expected to play

much of a role. The folly of this theory was fully demonstrated during this war. The Pakistan

Navy, we strongly recommend, should have its own air arm of suitable aircraft for the purpose of

reconnaissance and for defence against missile boats. This is the only way in which the threat

posed by the growing Indian Navy and her missible boats can be countered.

(ii) There is urgent need for developing a separate harbour for the Navy away from Karachi, from

where the Navy can protect the approaches to Karachi more effectively

(iii) In view of the serious handicaps which were posed by the late conveyance of the D-day and

the H-hour to the Pakistan Navy and its total exclusion from he planning for war, the need for

making the Navy a fully operative member in he joint Chiefs of Staff Organization is imperative.

IX. Improvement in the Role of P.A.F.11. In Section (C) of Chapter VIII of Part IV of the Main Report as well as in a separate Chapter

of the present supplement (viz Chapter X of Part III), we have discussed at length the role and

performance of the P.A.F. in the 1971 war. In the light of that discussion, we recommend as

follows: –

(I) We are not convinced that a more forward-looking posture cannot be adopted by eh Air Force

having regard to the peculiar needs of the country. We recommend, therefore, that Pakistan

should have more forward air fields located at such places from where it might be in a position to

give more protection to our vital line of communication as well as to major centres of industry.

The adoption of such a fo rward strategy would also increase the striking capabilities of our

fighters.

(ii) There is need also to improve the working of our early warning system. The time lag

between the observation of an enemy aircraft by the first line of Mobile Observer Units and the

final collation of that information in the Air Operation Centre takes unduly long because of the

draftory system of reporting adopted. Training exercises to coordinate the working of the various

agencies employed for the operation of the early warning system should be held periodically to

keep them at a high pitch of efficiency.

(iii) The Karachi Port should also be provided as soon as possible, with a low level seawardlooking

radar which it seriously lacks and due to the want of which it suffered many handicaps

during the last war.

(iv) That with the increased Indian capability of blockading Karachi with missile boats the air

defence of Karachi should be attached greater importance. Leaving the defence of Karachi to be

tackled only by one squadron of fighters and a half squadron of bombers was extremely unwise.

X. Re-organization of Air Defence of Pakistan12. The subject of air defence has been discussed by us at some length in section (13) of

Chapter VIII of Part IV of the Main Report. In the light of that discussion, we make the following

recommendations: –

(a) Since it will not be possible for us to enlarge our Air Force to any appreciable extent in the

near future, we strongly recommend that we should strengthen our air defence programmes by

at least doubling our holdings of anti-craft guns by the end of 1972 and ultimately raising it under

a phased programme to 342 Batteries as suggested by the Air Force.

(b) Efforts should also be made to procure ground to air missiles for a more effective air defence

of the country.

(c) If ground-to-air missiles are not available, then efforts should also be made to get radar

controlled medium HAA guns from China.

XI. Recommendations with Regard to Civil Defence Measures13.

consider that the following measures are called for to improve the civil defence aspects in

Pakistan: –

(a) The civil defence arrangements should be placed under the Ministry of Defence, and not be

made the responsibility of the Ministry of Interior or other individual departments. The Central

Government should accept the responsibility for the overall control and organization of the civil

defence of the country, as Provincial Governments have not been able to shoulder this

responsibility effectively in the past.

(b) Steps should be taken to improve the fire-fighting facilities in the country, particularly in ports

and industrial areas.

(c) Industrialists keeping inflammable materials near lines of communications and other

vulnerable points should be induce, or in fact obliged under the law, to accept responsibility for

the protection of their materials, and make effective arrangements for fire-fighting in their

establishments.

(d) Provision should be made for storing large quantitative of petrol and other fuels underground.

XII. Higher Direction of War14.

Chapter XI of Part IV of the Main Report, and in the light of that discussion, we proposed the

following measures: –

(a) The three Service Headquarters should be located at one place along with the Ministry of

Defence.

(b) The posts of Commander-in-Chiefs should be replaced by Chiefs of Staff of the respective

services (This, we understand, has already been done by the Government)/

(c) The Defence Committee of the Cabinet should be re-activated and it should be ensured that

its meetings are held regularly. A positive direction should be added in its Charter to give the

Cabinet Division the right to initiate proceedings for the convening of its meetings should be held

even in the absence of the President or the Prime Minister under the Chairmanship of the senior

most minister present.

(d) There should also be a Defence Ministers Committee and the Ministry of Defence should

assume its rightful position as a policy-making body and incorporating policy, decisions into

defence programmes after consultations with the three services. This should ensure the

preparations of realistic plans for the national defence with in the agreed framework of …….

allocations. It should meet under the chairmanship of the Defence Minister and comprise the

Defence Secretary, the three service chiefs, the financial advi ser for defence, the Director

General of Civil Defence, the Director General of munitions production, the Director General of

Defence Procurement, the Director General of inter-services Intelligence Directorate, the

Defence Scientific Adviser and any other Central Secretary or Service officer who may be

required for a particular item on agenda. If the defence portfolio is held by the President or the

Prime Minister then its meeting may be presided over by a Deputy Minister for or by the

Minister in charge of Defence Production (illegible) Minister is available, the Defence Secretary

should preside, irrespective of any considerations of protocol or (illegible)

(e) The Secretaries Coordination Committee as at present constituted, should continue

(f) (illegible) The three services should share (illegible) joint responsibility for national defence

and that all plans and programmes for the development of the (illegible) forces should be based

on joint (illegible) objectives, it is necessary. Therefore, that the three services Chief should

(illegible) As Joint Chiefs of Staff and not merely as individual Heads of their respective Services.

This Joint Chiefs or Staff should constitute a corporate body with collective responsibility having

its own (illegible) staff for evolving joint plans and its own Headquarters located on one place.

The (illegible) of chairman of this Joint Chiefs of Staff must be held by rotation, irrespective of the

personal ranks enjoyed by the three service chiefs. The duration of the tenure should be one

year at a time and the chairmanship should commence with the (illegible) Service, mainly, the

Army. A detailed Chapter of duties for this Joint Chiefs of Staff has been suggested in Annexure

‘I’ of Chapter XI of Part IV of the Main report.

(g) Under the Joint Chiefs of Staff Organisation there will not only by a Secretariat but also a

joint planning staff drawn from all the three Services. It might be designed as the Joint

Secretariat and Planning Staff. It will be responsible not only for providing the necessary

secretarial assistance (illegible) Also for evolving the joint defence plans and (illegible) studies

of processing of all matters of inter-(illegible) The Joint Chief of Staff may also have other Joint

Common to assist them on such matters, as it may consider necessary.

(h) The weakness, in the (illegible) of the armed forces, which have been brought by light,

(illegible) feel that there is need for an institution like the America” (illegible) General’ which

should be a body changed was the duty of carrying out surprise inspection and calling area the

formations and (illegible) concerned to demonstrate that the (illegible)

(this para not readable)

(i) We have also felt the (illegible) for in Institute of Strategic Studies, preferably as a part of a

University Programme. The need for such an (illegible) has been highlighted by the weakness in

our joint strategic panning by the three Services. We are of the opinion that such an Institute will

go a long way in producing studies of value for examination by the other defence organizations.

XIII National Security CouncilHaving examined the working of the National Security Council in Chapter XI of Part IV of the

15.

Main Report we are of the opinion that there is no need for super-(illegible) such an organization

on the Directorate of Intelligence Bureau and the Directorate of Inter-services Intelligence. The

Security Council should therefore be abolished.

XIV. The Farman Ali incidentIn view of the fresh evidence examined by us regarding the role of Maj Gen Farman Ali,

16.

which we have discussed in the concluding portion of Chapter III of Part V of the Supplementary

Report, recommendation No. 7 made in the Main Report has now become (illegible); as we have

found that in delivering a message to Mr. Paul Mare Henry, Assistant Secretary General of the

United Nations. Maj Gen Farman Ali, acted under the instructions of the Governor of East

Pakistan, who in turn had been authorised by the then President of Pakistan to make certain

proposals for settlement in East Pakistan at the critical juncture.

 

Old Games and New Challenges for Freedom and Justice Loving People

Pakistan’s political dynamics has seen its different colors over the last six decades. The country saw some of the most oppressive military regimes and also some of the most corrupt periods of elected plutocracy. Our history saw struggles between left and right and also became an active player in the cold war period.

Though our politics has been influenced strongly by the foreign masters of our ruling elites. But in that our establishment has always played a vital role either as a proxy rule for foreign powers or as a king maker in local politics, many times the role has been a mixture of both. The honest reality of our history is that this role of our establishment has seriously dented our political culture, damaged rule of law and also harmed our rights as free citizens of this country.
A country which was founded on the principles of justice and equality didn’t live up to the expectations due to the dismal performance of our establishment and their cultivated corrupt political culture based on feudal-corporatist mindsets. Right from the days of Ghulam Muhammad, Pakistani establishment strengthened its hold on the affairs of the state and its politics. Pakistan was thrown into an unwanted cold war and thus it gave up its freedom which it got few years ago into the hands of imperialist forces lead by USA, which at that time took place of United Kingdom as world super power along with its rival USSR.
Initially establishment rule was evenly balanced between civil and military establishments but later on especially after Ayub Khan martial law, military acted as the main force of establishment. Now by establishment we can easily refer to GHQ as main source of  political power. Even Fatimah Jinnah, one of the strong political figure of our country and sister of founding father Muhammad Ali Jinnah was not able to defeat this system. But her role in politics did make our establishment to get involved more in party politics or politics of masses. Now if I see things as an ordinary student of politics, foundation of PPP was meant to fill the political vacuum in the country so that those forces including Awami League, Jamat e Islami and others, who opposed Ayub martial law openly could not strengthen their grounds as alternate political reality other than establishment.

This approach worked in West Pakistan due to strong feudal system but failed in East Pakistan so establishment with the backing of feudal political class decided to use force on our own people. And we all know the consequences of 1971 riots and later Indo-Pak war. There was a chance for the nation to learn lessons from the mistakes and change the future course of actions.

But it didn’t happen except for few adjustments, including a real major one of developing 1973 constitution, our political outlook remained same. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who was a product of establishment, who tried to become larger than he should be in the eyes of establishment and also started a nuclear program against the wishes of our imperialist masters, became a liability to the system and so he was removed from the scene through Zia martial law and later hanged till death in a murder case of controversial nature.

Removal of Bhutto, instead of giving some relief to martial law forces became counter productive especially in the province of Sind so a new political reality of MQM was given space and support by military establishment. In Zia’s time not only constitution was treated badly but his use of religion to give cover to his oppressive and hypocrite regime proved to be another major blunder in the history of our country.

Later after the death of General(R) Zia ul Haq, PPP with sympathy votes and deals with local and international establishment came into power. Instead of learning from past mistakes and doing accountability of constitutional violations and corruptions by Zia regime, PPP started a new era of corruption and nepotism in Pakistani politics. They were also joined by their rivals, PML(N) which was a product of Zia remains, in this political culture. This culture saw its ups and downs and political maneuvering by establishment through the formation of IJI and sacking of governments.

In this time Nawaz Sharif of PML(N), also emerged as a big political force through a huge mandate in 1997 elections by bagging 137 seats. Nawaz tried to undermine the unwanted reality of our political history i.e. military establishment and did not follow the line of imperialist master while conducting nuclear tests in 1998,was sacked in a military coup by General (R) Musharraf. In Nawaz’s sacking his controversial 15th amendment and attacks on judiciary also played a key role as these actions weakened the rule of law and supremacy of constitution in the country and thus giving more room for unconstitutional measures by opportunist forces of martial law.

Musharraf rule proved to be one of the most disastrous periods of Pakistani history. In this tenure Pakistan get involved into a foreign war and this war was later dragged into our cities through some of the most evil policies. This war and Musharraf’s rule converted the diversity of our society into a clash between sects, ethnicity and social classes.

Actions like attack on Supreme Judiciary, abrogation of constitution, illegal abductions, extra judicial killings, military operations including heavy bombings on civilian areas, 12 May 2007 and 9 March 2007 and others really broke the back of Pakistani economy and society. The society after Musharraf is more fragmented and country is facing some of the worst consequences of his actions.
Then another foreign sponsored deal, between forces of martial law and feudal-corporatist political elite, resulted in current NRO government. In return of Musharraf’s safety and continuation of his imperialist slave policies, current ruling alliance was not only given power but all criminal cases were removed in the name of reconciliation. In the mean time, removal of Benazir Bhutto from the scene also helped her cronies and beneficiaries of NRO deal to capture more sympathy votes. Despite a report by UN, Benazir murder case is still not seeing much progress except for cover ups.
 
Our history saw politics of so called Left and so called Right, so called Red and so called Green and also the so called struggle between forces of dictatorships and so called forces of democracy. The reality is most of these setups were fake and were meant to serve the goals of ruling elite and their foreign masters.
 
Old games are now again being played by our ruling elite with assistance from foreign masters. Former dictator Musharraf is planning to come back into politics. Pir Pagara has also started his alliance of failed politicians in the name of uniting Muslim League.
PPP and allied parties are still playing their dirty games to strengthen their rule through fear and control politics as a result a commercial hub like Karachi is seeing one of the worst periods of target killings.Institutional corruption, high inflation and a huge government-created energy crisis to pave way for their corruption in Rental Power Projects are putting us into further economic disaster.

Natural resources and assets are on sale for nothing and again our nation is being fooled just for the monetary gains of few.So called opposition comprising of PML-Q and PML-N are busy in playing their hypocritical role. People are still not able to come out of their prejudices and short term greed and so giving strength to this system through “Zindabad” mentality.

Even floods have not changed the situation much. Supreme Court, which has provided some hope after restoration is being sidelined by government and institutions. Lawyers and media which emerged as a new force in national politics are now being divided through money and threats. Government involvement in SCBA elections and threats to media are examples of this approach. Situation in Afghanistan will come with its own dynamics and impacts on Pakistani politics.
Luckily few good things happened in recent times including the revival of civil society, emergence of free and resilient media, and an independent Supreme Court. These are real challenging times for those who love freedom and justice. These include all those who are struggling for rule of law, justice, accountability, freedom and respect for nation, and above all a better Pakistan.  Lot is needed to be done and it seems to be an almost impossible task but lets hope for the best as we are responsible for our actions and decisions not the given conditions and out of control realities.

Links :

http://infocrats.org/mag/2010/11/insight/analysisandopinion/old-games-and-new-challenges-for-freedom-and-justice-loving-people/

http://blogs.aaj.tv/2010/11/old-games-and-new-challenges/

Be Ghairti–>Dr. A.Q Khan article in Jang

Another column on national self-esteem and self-respect by Dr. A.Q Khan published in Jang Karachi which I hope will start another useful debate on how our leaders sold their souls to foreign powers without any shame for their acts.

His previous column ‘Ghairat Kahan Hai Tu’ really made people to think on our behavior and actions as a nation and the sort of leadership coming on our national scene.

An informative article on Pakistan Army’s Role–>Air Marshal Nur Khan Views on 1965 WAr

The article was published in Dawn in 2005.

Source: http://dawn.com/2005/09/06/nat2.htm

—————————————————————————————————————————

Nur Khan reminisces ’65 war

ISLAMABAD, Sept 5:

Air Marshal (retired) Nur Khan, the man who led the airforce achieve complete superiority over the three times bigger Indian airforce on the very first day of the 1965 war, had all but resigned the post the very day that he took command of Pakistan Air Force on July 23, 1965.

“Rumours about an impending operation were rife but the army had not shared the plans with other forces,” Air Marshal Nur Khan said.

Sharing his memoirs with Dawn on the 40th anniversary of 1965 war, Air Marshal Khan said that he was the most disturbed man on the day, instead of feeling proud. Air Marshal (retired) Asghar Khan while handing over the command to Nur Khan had not briefed him about any impending war because he was not aware of it himself.

So, in order to double check, Nur Khan called on the then Commander-in-Chief, General Musa Khan. Under his searching questions Gen Musa wilted and with a sheepish smile admitted that something was afoot. Nur Khan’s immediate reaction was that this would mean war. But, Gen Musa said you need not to worry as according to him Indians would not retaliate. Then he directed a still highly skeptical Nur Khan to Lt-Gen Akhtar Hasan Malik, GOC Kashmir, the man in-charge of “Operation Gibraltar” for further details.

The long and short of his discussion with Gen Malik was, “don’t worry, because the plan to send in some 800,000 infiltrators inside the occupied territory to throw out the Indian troops with the help of the local population”, was so designed that the Indians would not be able retaliate and therefore the airforce need not get into war-time mode. A still incredulous Nur Khan was shocked when on further inquiry he found that except for a small coterie of top generals, very few in the armed forces knew about “Operation Gibraltar”.

He asked himself how good, intelligent and professional people like Musa and Malik could be so naive, so irresponsible. For the air marshal, it was unbelievable. Even the then Lahore garrison commander had not been taken into confidence. And Governor of West Pakistan, Malik Amir Mohammad Khan of Kalabagh did not know what was afoot and had gone to Murree for vacations. It was at this point that he felt like resigning and going home. But then he thought such a rash move would further undermine the country’s interests and, therefore, kept his cool and went about counting his chickens — the entire airforce was too young and too inexperienced to be called anything else then — and gearing up his service for the D-day.

The miracle that the PAF achieved on September 6, to a large extent, is attributed to Nur Khan’s leadership. He led his force from up front and set personal example by going on some highly risky sorties himself. But then no commander, no matter how daring and how professional, can win a battle if his troops are not fully geared to face such challenges and that too within 43 days of change in command.

The full credit for turning the PAF into a highly professional and dedicated fighting machine goes to Air Marshal Asghar Khan who was given charge of the service in 1957.

Thank God, unlike the other service no darbari or sifarishi was given the job. And by the time he left on July 23, 1965, Asghar Khan had turned the PAF into a well-oiled, highly professional and dedicated fighting machine and had trained them on the then best US made fighters, bombers and transport planes. Those who flew those machines and those who maintained them on ground worked like a team, and each one of the PAF member performed beyond the call of duty to make a miracle. The PAF performance had crucially allowed the Army to operate without interference from the Indian airforce.

“The performance of the Army did not match that of the PAF mainly because the leadership was not as professional. They had planned the ‘Operation Gibraltar’ for self-glory rather than in the national interest. It was a wrong war. And they misled the nation with a big lie that India rather than Pakistan had provoked the war and that we were the victims of Indian aggression”, Air Marshal Khan said. When on the second day of war President Gen Ayub wanted to know how we were faring, Musa informed him that the Army had run out of even ammunition.

That was the extent of preparation in the Army. And the information had shocked Gen Ayub so much that it could have triggered his heart ailment, which overtook him a couple of years later. This in short is Nur Khan’s version of 1965 war, which he calls an unnecessary war and says that President Ayub for whom he has the greatest regard should have held his senior generals accountable for the debacle and himself resigned.

This would have held the hands of the adventurers who followed Gen Ayub. Since the 1965 war was based on a big lie and was presented to the nation a great victory, the Army came to believe its own fiction and has used since, Ayub as its role model and therefore has continued to fight unwanted wars — the 1971 war and the Kargil fiasco in 1999, he said. In each of the subsequent wars we have committed the same mistakes that we committed in 1965.

Air Marshal Khan demanded that a truth commission formed to find out why we failed in all our military adventures. It is not punishment of the failed leadership that should be the aim of the commission but sifting of facts from fiction and laying bare the follies and foibles of the irresponsible leaders in matters with grave implications for the nation. It should also point out the irregularities committed in training and promotions in the defence forces in the past so that it is not repeated in future. Mr Khan believes that our soldiers when called upon have fought with their lives but because of bad leadership their supreme sacrifices went waste. And after every war that we began we ended up taking dictation from the enemy — at Tashkant, at Simla and lastly at Washington.

He said at present Pakistan is engaged in another war, this time in Waziristan. This war can also end up in a fiasco and politically disastrous for the federation if it is fought with the same nonchalance and unprofessionally as we did the last three wars. He, therefore, called for an immediate change of command at the GHQ insisting that President Gen Pervez Musharraf should appoint a full-time Chief of Army Staff and restore full democracy in the country.

He suggested appointment of an independent chief election commissioner in consultation with all the political parties. “Look at India.There a religious party comes in power and nobody cries foul and it goes out of power and nobody alleges rigging.

We can also do this,” he added. And we must make unified efforts to restore the country in the vision of the Quaid-i-Azam. Turn it into a non-theocratic and truly democratic state. And all the three forces should model themselves on the lines set by Asghar Khan when he was commanding the PAF, he suggested.